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013 744 789 7 



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Protection of Freedmeii: Actual Coiiditioii of the Rebel States. 



SPEECH 



HON. CHARLES SUMNER, 

OF MASSACHUSETTS, 



HE BILL TO MAINTAIN THE FREEDOM OF THE INHABITANTS IN THE 

STATES DECLARED IN INSURRECTION AND REBELLION BY THE 

PROCLAMATION OF THE PRESIDENT OF JULY 1, 18G2; 



.f / / DEJ.IVEllED 



IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, DECEMBER aO, 18G5. 



\ 



WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 
18G5. 



-sJ 7 «-' ^-^ 






SPEECH. 



The Senate, as in Committee of the Wliolc, having 
resunieil the consideration of the bill (S. No. 9) to 
maintain the freedom of the inhabitants in the States 
declared in insurrection and rebellion by the procla- 
mation of the President of the 1st of July, 1862—. 

Mr. SUMNER said: 

Mr. PiiESiDENT : ^Yllen I think of wliat oc- 
curred yesterday in this Chamber ; when I call 
to mind the attemjit to whitewash the unhappy 
conditian of the rebel States, and to throw the 
mantle of oflQcial oblivion over sickening and 
heart-rendingoutrages, where Human Rights are 
sacrificed and rebel Barbarism receives a new 
letter of license, I feel that 1 ought to speak of 
nothing else. I stood here years ago, in the 
days of Kansas, when a small community was 
surrendered to the machinations of slave-mas- 
ters. I now stand here again, when, alas ! an 
immense region, with millions of people, has 
been surrendered to the machinations of slave- 
masters. Sir, it is the duty of Congress to arrest 
this fatal fury. Congress must dare to be brave ; 
it must dare to be just. But I shall not be di- 
verted from the question before the Senate, 
although, in unfolding the necessity of present 
legislation for the protection of the freedmen, 
I shall be led necessarily and logically to speak 
of the condition of the rebel States. 

All must admit that the bill of my colleague 
is excellent in purpose. It proposes nothing 
less than to establish Equality before the Law, 
at least so far as civil rights are concerned, in 
the rebel States. This is done simply to carry 
out and maintain the Proclamation of Eman- 
cipation, by which this Republic is solemnly 



pledged to maintain the emancipated slave in 
his freedom. Such is our pledge : "and the 
Executive Government of the United States, 
including the military and naval authority there- 
of, will recognize i\n(\. maintain the freedom of 
such persons. ' ' This pledge is without any lim- 
itation in space or time. It is as extended and 
as immortal as the Republic itself. Does any- 
body call it vain words ? I trust not. To that 
pledge we are solemnly bound. Wherever our 
flag floats as long as time endures we must 
see that it is sacredly observed. 

But the performance of that pledge cannot 
be intrusted to another; least of all, can it be 
intrusted to the old slave-masters, embittered 
against their slaves. It must be performed by 
the national Government. The power that gave 
freedom must see that this freedom is main- 
tained. This is according to reason. It is also 
according to the examj>les of history. In the 
British West Indies we findthis teaching. Three 
of England's greatest orators and statesmen, 
Burke, Canning, and Brougham, at successive 
periods united in declaring, from the experiei\ce 
in the British West Indies, that whatever the 
slave-masters undertook to do for their slaves 
was always ' ' arrant trifling," and that, whatever 
might be its jjlausible form, it always wanted 
' ' the executive principle. ' ' More recently the 
Emperor of Russia, when ordering Emancipa- 
tion, declared that all efforts of his predecessors 
in this direction had failed because they had 
been left to "the spontaneous initiative of the 
proprietors," I might say much more on this 



head, but this is enough. I assume thatuo such 
bhindervvill be made ou our part f that we shall 
not leave to the old proprietors the maintenance 
of that freedom to which we are pledged, and 
thus break our own promises and sacrifice a 
race. 

I have alread)' alluded to Emancipation in 
Russia. But this example is worthy our deepest 
study, unless we purposely reject history. All 
know that in 1861 the Emperor, by solemn Proc- 
lamation, gave freedom to upward of twenty- 
three million serfs ; but it is not generally known 
by what supplementary provisions this freedom 
was secured. 

I have in my hands an official copy of this 
great act, published at St. Petersburg, by which 
it is declared that the serfs, after an interval of 
two years, are ' ' entirely enfranchised. ' ' Under 
this Proclamation, anew set of local magistrates 
was constituted, with "special court" and "jus- 
tices of the peace" in each district, to superin- 
tend the working of the Proclamation and to 
examine on the spot all questions arising from 
Emancipation. This provision was not unlike 
our Bureau of Freedmen, which is thus vindi- 
cated by this examjjle. 

But the good work did not stop here. The 
Emperor did not leave the freedmen without 
protection, handed over to the tender mercies 
of their former owners. By a careful series of 
"regulations" accompanying the Proclamation, 
prepared with infinite care, and divided into 
chapters and sections, the rights of the freed- 
men are secured beyond question. I hold a 
copy of this remarkable document in my hand. 
Here it is, a model for our imitation. 

These "regulations" begin v,'ith the formal 
declaration that the freedmen, by the act of 
Emancipation, ' ' acquire the rights belonging to 
free farmers." The language is general. It is 
"the rights of free farmers," not in certain 
particulars, but in all particulars ; not merely 
in exemption from the authority of their mas- 
ters, but in complete enfranchisement. Surely 
liere is an example for us. 

The "regulations" then proceed in formal 
words to fix and assure these rights civil and 
political. These rights are not left to inference 
or to future discussion ; but they are positively 
declared with all possible detail. 

By one aectionthefreedmanis secured in all 



his rights of famili/ and rights of contract, as 

follows : 

" The articles of the Civil Code on the rights and 
obligatioHs of the family arc extended to the freed- 
men; consequently they acquire the right, withoutthe 
authorization of the proprietor, to contract marriage, 
and to make any arrangement whatever concerning 
their family affairs; they can equally enter into all 
agreements and obligations authorized by the laws, 
as \7oll with the State as with individuals, on the con- 
ditions established for free farmers; they can inscribe 
themselves in the guilds, and exercise their trades in 
the villages; and they can found and conduct facto- 
ries and establishments of commerce." 

Surely here is an example for us. 

By another section the freedman is secured in 
7'ights of property. He may acquire and alien- 
ate property of all kinds, according to the gen- 
eral law; and, besides, "the possession of the 
homestead" on which he has lived is guarantied 
to him on certain conditions. Surely here is 
an example for us. 

By another section the freedman is secured 

complete Equality in the courts, as follows : 

"•He shall have the right of action whether civilly 
or criminally, to commence process, and to answer 
personally or by attorney; to make complaint, and 
to defend his rights by all the means known to the 
law, and to appear as witness and as hail conformably 
to the common lato." 



He may appear " as 
Surely' here is an ex- 



, Mark these words 

witness and as bail. ' 

ample for us. 

By other sections the freedman is secured 

Equality in political rights, according to the 

measure of such rights in Russia, thus : 

" On the organization of the towns, he shall be en- 
titled to take part in the meetings and elections for 
the towns, and to vote on town affairs, and to exer- 
cise divers functions ; and he shall also take part in 
the assemblies for the district, and shall vote on dis- 
trict affairs, and choose the chairman." 

From all the provisions on this head, it ap- 
pears that the freedman enjoys rights to choose 
the local officers, and to be chosen in turn. 
Surely here is an example for us. 

By still another section the freedman is se- 
cured Equality at schools and in Education ; 
thus : 

"He may place his children in the establishments 
for public education, to embrace the career of in- 
struction, or Itie scientific career, or to take service 

in the corps of surveyors." 

Surely here again is an example for us. 

Then, again, for the general protection of the 
freedman it is provided that he "cannot lose 
his rights or be restrained in their exercise, 
except after the judgment of the town accord- 
ing to fixed rules;" and still further, that he 
"cannot be subjected to any punishment, 
otherwise than l.iy notice of a judgment, or 



according to the legal decision of the town to 
which he belongs." Surely here again is an 
example to us. 

Thus does Russia by careful provisions, sup- 
plementary to the act of Emancipation, secure 
her freedmcn in all their rights; first, in the 
right of family and the right of contract ; sec- 
ondly, in the right of property, including a home- 
stead: thirdly, in complete Equality in the coui'ts; 
fourthly, in Equality in political rights; fifthly, 
in Equality at schools and in Education ; and, 
finally, all tliese safeguards are crowned by de- 
claring that they cannot lose their rights or be 
punished except after judgment according to 
fixed rules ; thus completely fulfilling that re- 
quirement of our fathers, that "government 
should be a government of laws and not of men. " 

I trust that this example is none the less wor- 
thy of imitation because it is that of an empire, 
which is not supposed to sympathize with liberal 
ideas. Surely a republic cannot in this respect 
lag behind an empire. Besides, all that we hear 
shows that the experiment has been successful. 
Clearly an experiment inspired so completely 
by the spirit of justice cannot fail. 

My colleague is clearly right in introducing his 
bill and pressing it to a vote. The argument 
for it is irresistible. It is essential to complete 
Emancipation. Without' it Emancipation will 
be only half done. It is our duty to see that it 
is wholly done. Slavery must be abolished 
not in form only, but in substance, so that there 
shall be no Black Code ; but all shall be Equal 
before the Law. 

As to the power of Congress over this ques- 
tion I cannot doubt it. My colleague assumes 
the power without professing to trace it to any 
particular source. It may be a military power 
precisely as the Proclamation of Emancipation, 
and here the ai'ithority is as clear and absolute 
as in the District of Columbia, or it may be in 
pursuance of the Constitutional Amendment, 
* which provides that Congress may "enforce the 
amendment by appropriate legislation;" or it 
may be to carry out the guarantee of a repub- 
.lican form of government. 

There are measures of my own, already in- 
troduced by me, now on your table, lookhig to 
the same result as the pending bill, which pro- 
ceed specifically on the two latter grounds. 



One of these is entitled "A bill supplying 
appropriate legislation to enforce tke amend- 
ment of the Constitution."' From this bill T 
read two sections : 

Sec. 3. And he it further enacted. That in further 
cnl'orccmcnt of the iirovision of the Constitution pro- 
hibiting slavery, and in order to romovc all reiics of 
tlii-s wrong from tho States where this constitutional 
prohiliiliou take.'; effeet, it is hereby dechired that all 
laws or eustoiiis in .such States establishing any oli- 
garchical iiri\i leges and any distinction of rights on 
account of color or race are hereby annulled, and 
all persons in such States arc recognized as equal be- 
fore the law; and the penalties provided in the last 
section arc hereby made applicable to any violation 
of this provision, which is made in pursuance of the 
Constitution of the United States. 

Sec. 4. And h<: it further enacted, That in further 
enforcement of tho provision of tho Constitution 
aforesaid, the courts of the United States in the States 
aforesaid shall have exclusive jurisdiction of all of- 
fenses committed by persons not of African descent 
upon persons of African descent; also of all offenses 
committed by persons of African descent; and also 
of all causes, suits, and demands to which any person 
of African descent shall be a party; and it is hereby 
declared that all such cases are to be treated as casps 
arising under tho Constitution of the United States. 

This bill, of course, proceeds on the idea that 
the amendment is now a part of the Constitution 
to all intents and purposes. And who can doubt 
this conclusion ? It has been already adopted 
by "the Legislatures of three fourths of the 
States," in other words by three fourths of the 
States having Legislatures. The States having 
uo Legislatures at the time of its proposition 
by Congress are not to be counted. Of what 
value can be the enforced consent of the disloyal 
and barbarous bodies that have pretended to act 
for certain States at the dictation of military 
power ? Military power may govern during the 
war, but it is impotent to make a republican 
State or to give assent to an amendment of the 
Constitution. 

Another bill introduced by me, and now on 

the table, is founded on the guarantee clause. 

It is brief, and will explain itself: 

A hill in part execution of the guarantee of a repub- 
lican form of government in the Constitution of the 
United States. 

Whereas it is declared in the Constitution that the 
United States shall guaranty to every State in this 
Union a rci)ublican form of government ; and wliereas 
certain States have allowed their governments to bo 
subverted by rebellion, so that tho duty is now cast 
upon Congress of executing this guarantee: Now, 
therefore, 
_ Be it cnaeted_ hy the Senate and House of Reprcsenta- 
tivrf) of the United States of America in Conoress assem- 
bled. That in all States lately declared to be in rebel- 
lion there shall be no oligarchy, invested with peculiar 
privileges and i)owers, and there shall bono denial 
of rights, civil or poll tical, on account of color or race : 
but all persons shall be equal bcToro the law, whethei- 
in the court-room or at the ballot-box. And thisstat- 
utc, made in pursuance of the Constitution, shall be 
the snt>reme. law of the land, anything in the con- 
stitution or laws of any sucli Stu.tc to the contrary 
notwithstanding. 



6 



Both these bills are broader even than that 
of my colleague; fortheypoint to the absolute 
obliteration of all legal discriminations founded 
on color, whether in the court-room or at the 
ballot-box, and to this conclusion we must come 
at last. Bi;t I confess that I feel the dignity, 
the grandeur, and the substantial value, which 
would be found in a declaration of Congress 
that an oligarchical government, which denied 
riglits to a whole race ; which undertook to tax 
without representation ; and which discarded 
the "consent of the governed" as its just foun- 
dation, cannot be a " republican form of govern- 
ment." 

The most explicit, the most positive, the most 
mandatory words in the Constitution are, "the 
United States shall guaranty to every State in 
the Union a republican form of government." 
This great duty is thrown not upon any individual 
branch of the Government, but upon the United 
States. • It is a duty "to guaranty" — which in 
itself is a strong term — what ? A republican form 
of government. Now, by the lapse of State gov- 
ernments in the rebel States, this duty is cast 
upon the United States. But the United States 
are represented in Congress, or rather by an act 
of Congress, Avhich in itself is the embodied 
will of both Houses of Congress, and of the 
President of the United States. Congress must, 
therefore, determine, what is a republican foi-m 
of government? Into this question I do not now 
enter. At the proper time I hope to consider it. 
I content myself now by saying, that it is absurd 
to say that a community, which is founded on 
oligarchical pretensions, and which excludes 
from all participation in the government any 
considerable proportion of its tax-paying citi- 
zens, and ignores the consent of the governed, 
can be considered a republican form of govern- 
ment. On this proposition I hope to be heard 
ut an early day. Here is one of the greatest 
questions of our history. 

And now after this brief review of the object 
proposed to be accomplished, I am brought to 
consider the practical necessity of such legisla- 
tion ; and here it is my duty to expose the actual 
condition of the rebel States, especially as re- 
gards loyalty and the treatment of the freedmen. 
On this head I shall adduce evidence in my pos- 
session. In the endeavor to bring Avhat I say 



within reasonable proportions, I shall adduce 
only a small part of what has passed under my 
eye ; but it will be more than enough. In bring- 
ing it forward the difficulty is of selection and 
abridgment. 

I shall begin with something relating to the 
condition of the rebel States generally, and shall 
then proceed to consider the different States 
successively. 

And now, first, as to the rebel States generally. 
I know no testimony which has found its way 
to the public, with regard to the general condi- 
tion of the South, which will compare in value 
with a series of letters by A. Warren Kelsey, a 
business agent of character and intelligence 
above question, who has traveled through the 
rebel States. His communications with his em- 
ployers show singular powers of observation, 
and are expressed with great clearness. Of 
course I can only give a few extracts : 

" In traveling .ibout as I have, from one section of 
the country to the other, I have been able to compare 
opinions, and, ns you know, I have had peculiar and 
favorable o)>i">rtuuities for ascertaining the views 
they have in cnmijicm. I have endeavored to trace 
the motives from which they have acted and which 
now animate them, and their reed purpose for the fu- 
ture, if they have one. In giving you my opinion 
now, it is proper to say that I have taken no one in divid- 
ual as a criterion of the whole, and havejudged them 
only by the opinions I find they are generally agreed 
upon; neither have I any one's statement for their 
thoughts and actions. My opinions, deductions, and 
conclusions are derived from my own experience and 
observation among them, and AYhethor they shall be 
cohflrmed or denied by others, are, notwithstanding, 
my honest and sincere convictions." 

"While I am able to say that they have made up 
their minds that emancipation is a fact, and not to be 
avoided, 1 am obliged to state my earnest ojiinion that 
so far as secession is concerned, that is, the doi.-trine 
of State rights, it is more deeply rooted than ever 
among them. They are perfectly united in the belief 
that the division of this country is both right from a 
moral stand-point, and politic as a measure of expe- 
diency. They have simply changed their base from 
the battle-field to the ballot-box, ticlieviiig, as they 
very frankly admit, thatgreatertriunii)hsawait them 
there than they could ever hope for in the field. In 
almost every house h.ings the old, worn confederate 
uniform, which is displayed with pride and satisfac- 
tion to all comers. So farfrom repenting of thestand 
they took, they glory in it. They regret the result, 
and their non-success, it is true, butnotonoinathou- 
sand will admit they were iu the wrong." 

******* 

"They argue that at least ninety-five in every two 
hundred votes at the North are sure to be thrown in 
their favor, and they can now rule the Union by giving 
up, which is cheaper than to persist in their idea of a 
separate Government. That idea, however, is only 
laid aside for a time. Every boy at the South is be- 
ing educated in the belief that the relations the South 
to-day sustains toward the North, are the same as 
those of Hungary or Venetia toward Austria, or of 
Poland to Russia. They bide their time. They have 
adopted for their motto 'Patience, and shuffle the 
cards.' The snake, so far from being killed, is barely 
'scotched.' Meantime, they deem it better to rule 
in the Union thau to serve iu the confederate army. 



"As to their affection for their military leaders, you 
will find proof in Ihe elections at Richmond and in 
i^outli Carolina. No man has a bettor claim to their 
r^yiiil>;illiy, and none stand a better chance of elec- 
tion, than those wlio were the last to give up. Mo- 
tives of policy may induce them to nominate others, 
hut the irtct remains as i li:i\ e stated. I repeat, that 
(Jeneral Leo and Waile Jliimpton are tho two most 
[lOpular and best-loved men in the Smith to-day. I 
have heard butonedisiiaraKinsrein;irk made ofGcn- 
eral Leo since 1 was at the t-outh, and that wa.s in this 
connection: I was ridins one nisht in a hack across 
tlio gap in a railway, made by Wilson, and, as usual, 
tho (conversation turned on political affairs and the 
conditiim and prospects of the southern people. One 
man said that (Jeneral Lee stood the best chance for 
the next Presidency — by the way, that is a very prev- 
alent idea here at the South — when another remarked 
that he would rather have Andrew .Johnson. 1 was 
curious to know why, and inquired. Ho reidicd, that 
'ho had l)ut little couiidenco in Lee since he favored 
neprro soldiers, and in his opinion ho was not much 
better than a Black Republican.' 

"At present every one at the South is occupied in 
his personnl and family interests. There arc no po- 
litical parties; very littlo coherenco of opinion as to 
the policy best to be pursued. Rut I find among the 
knowins; ones, particularly those who have been on 
to tlio North, and remained some time in New York 
or Washington, a sanfruine belief that they can easily 
resume the reins of office, and these men aro the only 
Unionists in the South to-day. You can depend upon 
it, that the southern States in th(^ future will present 
one solid, unanimous front; their leaders liave them 
well in hand. And this is precisely what ninety-nine 
in every hundred of the men. women, and children 
believe sincerely as to the situation to-day : -tirst, 
that the South of right possesse-s and always i)0ssessed 
the right of secession ; secondly, that the war only 
proved that tlu; North was the strongest; thirdly, 
that negro slavery was and is right, but lias been abol- 
ished by the war. The southerners are too smart not 
to see that slavery is dead, but many of them hopea.s 
long as tho black race exists here to be able to nold 
it in a condition of practical serfdom. All expect the 
negro will be killed in one way or another by eman- 
cipation. Tiie p<jlicy of those who will eventually be- 
come tho leaders here at the South, is, for the present, 
to accept the best they can get,to acquiesce in anything 
and everything, but to strain every nerve to regain 
the political power and ascendency they held under 
Buchanan. This they believe cannot be postponed 
longer than up to the next presidential election. 
They will do all in their power to resist negro suffrage, 
and to reduce taxation and expenditures, and would 
attack the national debt if they saw any reason to be- 
lieve repudiation possible. They will continue to 
assert the inferiority of the African, and they would 
to-day, if possible, precipitate the United States into 
a foreign war, believing they could then reassert and 
obtain their indeiicudcnce. They will, most of them, 
take any oaths you may cause to bo ado))ted, and 
break them immediately, and without scru))le. In 
one word, this people have placed themselves in res- 
olute ;intagonism to the North, and ^/h's generation, 
at least, will alw.ays hate the northern people, while 
the boys are being educated to the same idea." 

* :!: :,: :;; * >.: * 

" On the whole, looking at tho affair from all sides, 
it amountstojustthis: if the northern people are con- 
tent to be ruled over b.v the southerners they will 
continue in the Union; if not, the first chance fhey 
pet they will rise again. I venture tho prediction 
that within five years they will either be in power, or 
will be figiiting us again. If the first, God help New 
England!" 

Other testimony is in harmony. For instance 

a trustworthy traveler who has recently travr 

ersed the Gulf States, thus writes in a private 

letter to myself: 

" The former masters exhibit a most cruel, remorse- 
less, and vindictive spirit toward the colored people. 



In parts where there aro no Union soldiers, I saw col- 
ored women treated in the most outrageous manner. 
They have no rights that arc respected. - They aro 
killed, and their bodies tlnown into ponds or mud- 
holes. They are mutilated by having ears and noses 
cut oil'." 

Of course such a people already talk of re- 
pudiating the national debt. To the question, 
"Would it be safe to trust white men at the 
South with the power to repudiate the national 
debt'?" a person in gray uniform at once re- 
plied, "Repudiate! I should hope they would. 
I'm whipp(3d, and I'll own it; but I'm not so 
fond of a whipping that I'm going to pay a 
man's expenses while he gives it to me. Of 
course there are not ten men in the whole South 
tliat Avouldn't repudiate!" Such is the spirit 
of these States. But a candidate for Congress 
in Virginia undertook to speak for the rebel 
States, as follows : 

" I am opposed to the southern States being tax edat 
all for the redemption of this debt, either directly or 
indirectly; and, if elected to Congress, I will oppose 
all such measures, and 1 will vote to repeal all latB« 
that liaoc lierituforc lifcii passed for that purpose; and, 
in doing so, I do not consider that I violate any obli- 
gations to which the South was <a party. We have 
never pliphted our falfh for the redemption of the war 
debt. Tho pcoi)Ie will be borne down with taxes for 
years to come, oven if the war debt is repudiated. It 
will be the duty of the Government to support the 
maimed and disabled soldiers, and this will be a great 
expense; and if the United States Government re- 
quires the South to be taxed for thesupi)()rt of Union 
soldiers, we should insist that all disabled soldiers 
should be maintained by the United SlaXes Govern- 
ment, without reyard to the side they had taken iiithe 
war." 

A late Avritcr, .who within a few days has re- 
turned from an extensive tour in North Caro- 
lina, South Carolina, and Georgia, and who 
now enjoys a seat in your reporters' gallery, 
thus testifies with regard to the national debt : 

"The national debt doubtless seems to you beyond 
the reach of any hand. Y'et I regard it as very prob- 
ablo that one or two or all of three things will be at- 
tempted within three years after the southern members 
of Congress are admitted to seats — tho repudiation of 
the national debt, tiie assumption of the confederate 
debt, or the payment of several hundred million dol- 
lars to the South for i)ropcrty destroyed nnd slaves 
emancipated. I met several shrewd and intelligent 
men who expressed tho belief that confederate bonds 
will be worth something in two or three years. One 
told me that large amounts were held in New York 
and England, and he expected steps would be taken 
within five years toward paying them from the na- 
tional Treasury. I heard no man openly advocate the 
repudiation of tlic national debt, but scores argued to 
me that it would not be fair to make the South pay 
any part of it; and one man said he believed, if the 
case were only carried up, that the Supreme Court 
would so decide. The idea that the nation will pay 
the SouHi for her slaves extensively prevails both in 
(Jeorgia and South Carolina. It is incorporated into 
the new constitution of Georgia, and is openly advo- 
cated by many influential men in South Carolina. 
Wherefore, I say, the national debt needs watching." 

Let the Secretary of the Treasury take notice, 



8 



and not expose the national finances to the 
peril which menaces them. 

Passing from this testimony, which is gen- 
eral, I come to the neighbor State of" Virginia. 
1 read from a private letter which I have re- 
ceived from a Government officer there : 

" We who are here have a much better opportunity 
of knowing the feeling of .the people than you at a 
distance, for they will not speak as freely before you 
as they will before us here and among themselves. 
The feeling of disloyalty is as strong here now as it 
was during the war, but they cannot show it as they 
did then ; and with regard to the freedmen there is 
every disposition on their part to make them odious. 
They constant ly talk of insurrection , insubordination, 
thieving, idleness, and every species of crime and 
vice : all of which I assure you is entirely false. They 
are perfectly subordinate to every law, and, so far as 
thieving is concerned, such an assertion is gratui- 
tous or false, for all cases of thieving, certainly, I am 
.sorry to say, are done by the whites." 

I also read from another private letter : 

"The clash of arms has subsided, the serried hosts 
of rebels have been disbanded, and the huge para- 
phernalia of war have been scattered; but, notwith- 
standing these facts, the low mutterings of sullen dis- 
content are yet heard, and the desire to persecute 
and break down all truly loyal men is exhibited on 
every hand with even more sly ferocity than while 
the war of sections raged. 

"We are residents of this city, each engaged in 
public business, and consequently thrown into con- 
tract with all classes of citizens'. Hourly we hear de- 
nunciations of the Government and prayers for the 
removal of the military. And why these denuncia- 
tions and these prayers if the oath of allegiance had 
been honestly taken to be sacredly observed ? No, 
gentlemen, the spirit of rebellion is not dead, and 
will never die while Democratic leaders in the South 
aje relieved of their treachery and turned loose to 
stirup seditionandtoincite rebellion. Themenmake 
loud professions of loyalty, and their press reverber- 
ates the echo from hill and valley, but you have only 
to read their fanfaronades on loyalty to satisfy your- 
selves of the bitter hatred that fills their breasts 
against the Union, and the burning hate with which 
they will proceed to pour out the vials of their wrath 
upon all Union men, when once they can secure seats 
in Congress and get possession of the reins of State 
government. In their hearts they cling as ardently 
to State sovereignty as ever, and once give them the 
power and they will tax the loyal people to the full 
value of the slave property destroyed by the war. 
Mark this prediction." 

Another private letter from a person so sit- 
uated as to be singularly well informed, thus 
foreshadows a system of Peonage : 

" The necessity of the courts is beyond all question. 
Even with these courts it requires watchfulness to 
protect the blacks. If they were left without these 
courts the whites would keep them forever in bond- 
age by keeping them in debt, and I am afraid that the 
legislation of the States will be to the effect to estab- 
lish here the Mexican system of Peonage by using 
some very extraordinary terms to coerce ' hatched- 
up' accounts against the blacks." 

To this I might add Indefinitely, exhibiting 
the bad temper and disloyal spirit whitch pre- 
vail throughout Virginia. Bayonets are no 
longer flashing there ; bullets are no longer 
whizzing there ; but the traitorous sottl that 
inspired the rebellion still fills the State with 



its malignant breath. Do not, I entreat you. 
allow it to rule. 

From Virginia pass to North C.vroi.ixa. 

Here the testimony is the same. During this 

week I have seen Government officers who 

have been in service, one of them since 18G.'J, 

who report that it is not safe to speak one's 

sentiments there ; that liberty of speech does 

not exist ; that the freedmen, so far from being 

lazy or remiss, are willing to work, but that 

they are exposed to unutterable hardship and 

cruelty. On these points the testimony is 

explicit. A loyal resident of North Carolina 

writes me as follows : 

"I tell you, sir, the only difference now and one 
year ago is that the flag is acknowledged as supreme, 
and there is some fear manifested, and they have no 
arms. The sentiment is the same. If anything 
otherwise, more hatred exists toward the Govern- 
ment. 1 know there is more toward Union men, both- 
black and white." 

More hatred toward the Union men, both 
white and black, than there was one year ago ! 
Such is the condition of North Carolina. 

In harmony with this is other testimony : 

"Two women school-teachers who were recently sent 
from Wilmington to Fayettevilleto establish a school 
for colored children, wcreinformed by the sheriff of the 
county that they would not be allowed to start their 
schools, nor would they bo allowed to laud ; but they 
might remain on the steaiaer until her return to Wil- 
mington, inasmuch as they were women; if they were 
men they wouldreceivesuch treatment as was awarded 
to such meddlesome characters belbre-the war. 

" Mr. Dickinson says that while he was in Fayette- 
ville a negro was strung up by the thumbs in the pub- 
lic square and received forty-nine lashes from a civil 
officer recently appointed by Governor Holden." 

A Wilmington paper makes the following 
report: 

" General Ames, General Duncan, and Colonel Don- 
nelson, have returned from an official visit to Eay- 
cttevilJe, where they went to ascertain the truth of 
the reports coming from there in regard to the treat- 
ment of the colored people. 

"The resultof their visit substantiates the fact that 
the negroes have been cruelly treated, not only by the 
civilians, but also by the civil authorities there. 

"Two negroes were tied up and publicly whipped 
by the sheriff, on the sentence of a magistrate. 

"Other negroes were tied up to trees and whipped, 
and left tied to the trees until a storm came up and 
prostrated the trees, and the poor negroes fell with 
them. 

"Citizens exercised the authority of masters over 
the negroes, and punished them at their will with such 
severity as to them seemed lit. 

" It is even reported that negroes have been killed in 
the most cruel manner." 

But why heap these instances? They might 

be piled high; but why pain your hearts by such 

an exhibition? 

From North Carolina pass to South Car- 
olina, where the testimony is, if possible, still 



9 



more explicit. The spirit of this rebel State, 

still rebel in heart, appears in the well-known 

letter from Vv'^ade Hampton, which I do not stop 

to quote. It also appears in the frank speech 

of James 11. Campbell in the convention, from 

which I read an extract : . 

"I believe that when our votes are admitted into 
that (,'on.a-rcss, it' wo arc tolerably wise, {roverncd by 
a raoder;ito sliai'o of eomnion sense, we will have our 
own way. 1 ain speaking now not to be reported. We 
will have our own way yet, il'we arc true to ourselves. 
AVc know the past, we know jjot what is to be our 
future. Arc we not in a condition to accept what wo 
cannot help? Arc we not in a. condition where it is 
the part of wisdom to wait and ffive what we cannot 
avoid giving? I believe as surely as we arc a people, 
so surely, if we arc ffuidcd by v/isdom, wo will by the 
besinniii,? of the nexLiircsidential election which is 
all that is knov.'n of t Gc Constitution — for when you 
talk of the CoDstitiition of the IJnited Statesit means 
the j)rcsidcutial election and the share of the spoils — 
I believe then wc may hold the balance of power." 

That Mr. Campbell spoke according to the 
sentiments of the prevailing politicians is at- 
tested b}'^ a private letter wliich I have received 
from a Government officer there who is so sit- 
uated as to know the real condition of things. 
I read extracts only : 

"The speeches in convention and Legislature arc 
doubtless known to you, and the (»(n';/(((« pervading 
all action of these bodies. Mr. t'ainpbcU exprcssedit 
exactly. Let us do what wo have to, as little as we arc 
obliged to, get into Congress somcliow, and then pay 
off the score. One or two minor matters in this con- 
nection I mention as showing how the current sets. 

"L Till'. c((cti(in for members of cotiveiition, ith /Sep- 
tember. Tlie favorites in fcvery contested case were 
those most prominent in secession proceedings of past 
years. The mtjjority of them did not take the am- 
nesty oath." * * * * * * * * 
"2. Not even the prospect of securing a favorable rec- 
ognition in Congress could secure the election of any 
man tainted with Unionism, in opposition to any can- 
didate thoroughly established as an opponent to the 
Government in past time. 

"3. And yet, strange as it may sacra, the people, by 
which 1 mean the planters generally, exclusive of the 
politieiaiis, i\rc not savagely disloyal, and this is one 
main point to which 1 desire earnestly to testify. It 
is a fact that the political working of the State is in 
the hands of one hundred andtiftyto one hundred 
and eighty men. It has taken me six months to ap- 
preciate the entirciicM of the fact, though of course I 
had heard it stated. 

"It seems to me a most providential opportunity 
is now ofi'ercd to breakup this mal-admiuistrationof 
polities. The people among whom 1 move arc becom- 
ing restive under present disadvantages, and criticise 
sharply the acts of the Legislature which seem to 
delay reconstruction. If the State is rcfu.'.cd rep- 
resentation in the present (Jongrcss, and the acts of 
tiie State Legislature, its speeches, its Black Code, its 
general fractiousand combative attitude, itss]»iritin 
accei>ting the constitutional amendment and refusing 
the annulment of secession ordinances; if, in a word, 
it can he shown that the long-rceognizcd politicians 
of the State have thoroughly damaged the State by 
taking her out of the Union, and have also kept her 
from coming in, thrrc xcill he a political rcvo/nfion in 
the State in hss than tiro months: The rebels so )>roraptly 
pardoned l)y the President wilt meet no such com- 
pliicency from tin; iieopl". I /c ho (t- this to be true; 
am taught it anew every day. 

"If the State authority is to be recognized, and the 
present Legislature triumphs by forcing the State 
into the Union, I anticipate very disastrous conse- 



quences. The freed people are well enough ; they do 
not know as much as could be desired, but they know 
quite as much as could be expected, and arc open to 
instruction. J!ut that instruction must come from 
the Govcnihtent, throtiph tlieinHitarji. untrammcled by 
any fractious jo))bing of State Lcgislal ures. There is 
no conlidence on the part of the freed people in the 
State,- they only know the United States Govern- 
ment, and no other will answer." 

Here is a letter from a South Carolinian who 

served in the rebel army, but who now sees the 

error of his ways: 

"I am sorry to say Governor Orr's inaugural yester- 
day received no applause at nil from the audience ; its 
sentiments were too Union-loving for them. I am 
sorry also to say that the South Carolinians generally 
entertain to a great extent their old ideas and preju- 
dices so disastrous of late to the State. One is almost 
compelled to think they insanely wish to bring upon 
themselves more and greater mortifications. Witness 
the vote given llanipton.wiio refused to be a candidate. 
What an unwisedisplay of a far^t ions and discontented 
spirit! Few seem willing to admit the simple prop- 
osition that all causes of ill-feeling between North and 
South have been settled by the arl)itrament of the 
sword, and wemustsubmitsinccrcly. Thcyscck rather 
to keep alivcthe ill-fcelingtliathasmadQiisunhappy 
for so many years, and th((t^ ill-ai/viied dixponiiion to 
supervise the actions of the United States Government. 

"If thiswardocs notscttleallissues, andscttlcthem 
forever, it wi/l be beeuuse the General Government faih 
to use tlic poiorr it has obtained. I am as dear a lover 
of South Carolina as any man in it, and for that rea- 
son I wish to sec peace and harmony restored througli - 
out its borders. But that can never be if the men who 
tried hardest to break up the Government are, im- 
mediati-ly they find themselves unsuccessful with the 
$\yord,/i//fnrrd to tnl-r seats in Congress andrecommcnee 
t!ie <iiiitiiiitin villi th'ir lannues, and by their ar;iumentii 
anil rut'-,-. Mun- i.ijliii.iiualoryspeecheswere not madein 
IHW/liiiii hnrr h, ' it iliiirLred during the late canvass. 
If ej-iunples an: not inai/c. if leading men are not made 
to feel some ill effects from an unsuccessful attempt to 
revolutionize, then agitation icill never eease. but will he 
keptuii by ambitious men of mean talents icko can Itofie 
to rise only in times of disorder or by operating u2}on 
and influencing the passions of the multitude." 

To cap tlie climax of this iniquity a body 
of men calling themselves the Legislature, but 
having small title to be considered a legal body, 
have undertaken to pass a Black Code, separat- 
ing the two races, in defiance of every principle 
of Equality. Here is a provision which fasten.'? 
apprenticeship or serfdom in a new form upon 
the unhappy frcedman : 

"Colored children between the ages mentioned 
[eighteen and twenty-one] who have neither father 
nor mother living in the district in irh ieh they are found, 
or whose parents .are i)aupers. or nnablc to afford them 
a comfortaI)le maintenance,' or wAow jxircnts are not 
teaeliing ther.i habits of industry and honesty, or are per- 
sons of notoriously bad character, or are vagrants, or 
h.ayc boon convicted of inlamous offenses, and colored 
children, in all cases where they are in danger of moral 
eontaiiiiiialiim, ma,y be bound as ai)prentiees by the 
district judge or one of the magistrates for the afore- 
said term." 

Under these words there is no colored minor 
in the State who i.'; safe for one moment from 
a compulsory serfdom. 

The lash is also prescribed as a means of 
enforcing contracts. The lash once more is 
to resound. 



10 



The planters at their public meetings have 
given utterance to this same brutal spirit. Here 
is a series of resolutions, where, after calling 
for the withdrawal of the troops of the United 
States, and after declaring themselves -pledged 
to the existing state of things, and that it is their 
''honest purpose to abide thereby," they pro- 
ceed as follows : 

"Resolved, That if inconsistcntwiththeviewsof the 
authorities to remove the military, wo express the 
opinion that the plan of the military to compel the 
frcedman to contract with his former ownci', when 
de.-sired by the latter, is wise, prudent, and absolutely 
necessary, 

" Jiesolved, That we, the planters of the district, 
pledRO ourselves not to contract with any frecdman 
unless he can produce acertificate of regular discharge 
from his former owner. 

"JicHolved, Tliat under no circumstances whatsoever 
will we rent land to any freedmen, nor will via per- 
mit them to live on our premises as employes." 

Thus is the freedman, whose libei'ty the Uni- 
ted States are bound to maintain, to be handed 
over to compulsory service, and under no cir- 
cumstances is land to be rented to him. And 
yet these people announce that they accept 
the existing state of things and that it is their 
honest purpose to abide thereby! Of course 
they will accept a state of things which leaves 
them once more "masters" of their former 
slaves. Of course they will abide by it. Be 
it our duty to teach them the duty and neces- 
sity of Equal Rights. 

From South Carolina pass to Georgia, and 

there is the same wretched story. The spirit 

of the State appears in the language of Mr. 

Simmons in the convention : 

" Let us repudiate only under the lash and the ap- 
plication of military power, and then, as soon as we 
are an indepeudeutsovoreiffnty, restored to our equal 
rights and privileges in the Union, let us immediately 
call another convention and resume the debt." 

The testimony from various quarters shows 
the same spirit. A recent writer, of unim- 
peachable authority, now sitting as a reporter 
in your galleries, thus testifies: 

" In tlie stage between Augusta and Milledgcville 
I rode with two gentlemen of considerable local v/eight 
and prominence, who were both anti-seecssionists in 
1860-61. They talked of the ai)proaching convention, 
and of its probable action in rcdistrictnig the State 
for representatives. ' AVell, Colon el, "saidt he younger, 
himself a man of over forty years — 'Well, Colonel, 
what will bo our proper course when we are once more 
fully restored to the Union ?' The answer came, after 
a momenfsconsideration. ' We iiii(«t utriL-rlKnuliirilh 
the Deiiiorrnli'r part!/ of the North, (mil i,ion<i<ir fhnii ns- 
ire (ilwui/'i horr.' There was a pause while we rattled 
down the hill, and then the (iuesti(Uier responded, 
'That is just it; theii were ready enoiiiih to (lin ».s- eoii- 
trol if ice gavethem thcoffieen, and IrerLmi /hr;i h'lrc not 
changed very much yet.' There was then eou\ ci'sation 
on other matters; but half an hour hiter, alter a mile 
or so of silence, tlu; Colonel suddenly resuiiieil, 'Yes, 
sir, our duty is plain; we shall be without weight now 



tliat slavery is gone, unless we do join hands with 
them; Andy Johnson will want a reelection, and the 
united J)cmocratic party must take him up; it shall he 
a fair division — xce toant the power and they want the 
spoils.'" 

And the same writer, in another letter, shows 

how rebels were honored in the convention : 

" ' I'll be d — d if I vote for any man who did not go 
with the State,' said one of the delegates while the 
canvass for officers was going on ; in aeeordance with 
which spirit the secretary is a gentleman who was a 
colonel in the rebel army, and the doorkeeper a gen- 
tleman who lost an arm in the service." 

Where such a spirit prevails the freedmen fare 

badlj'. In Georgia they arc treated cruelly. A 

traveler writes as follows : 

"The hatred toward the negro as a freeman is in- 
tense among the low and brtjft.al, who are the v.ast 
majority. Murders, shootings, whippings, robbing, 
and brutal treatment of every kind are daily inflicted 
upon them, and I am sorry to say in most cases they 
can get no redress. They don't know where to com- 
plain or how to seek justice after they have been 
abused and cheated. The habitual deference toward 
the white man makes them fearful of his anger and 
revenge." 

An ofBcial of the Government, after travers- 
ing Mississippi and Alabama, writes from Geor- 
gia in a very recent letter, as follows : 

"Every day the press of the South testifies to the 
outrages that are being peri)etrated upon unoffending 
colored people by the State militia. These outrages 
are particularly flagrant in the States of Alabama and 
Mississippi, and arc of such a character as to demand 
most imperatively the interposition of the national 
Executive. These men are rapidly inaugurating a 
condition of things — a feeling — among the freedmen 
that will, if not checked, ultimate in insurrection. 
The freedmen are peaceable and inoffensive; yet if the 
whites continue to make it all their lives are worth to 
go through the country, as free people have a right to 
do, they will goad them to that point at which sub- 
mission and patience cease to be a virtue." 

"I call your attention to this matter after reading 
and hearing from the most authentic sources — officers 
and others — for weeks, of the continuance of the mi- 
litia robbing the colored people of tiicir property — 
arms— shooting them in the public highways if they 
refuse to halt when so commanded, and lodging them 
in jail if found from home without ^xrwes, and ask, as 
a ma tt ere if simi)le justice to an unofi'ending and down- 
trodden people, that you use yourinllucnce to induce 
the I'residcnt to issue an order or proclamation for- 
bidding such wicked and unlawful proceedings; and, 
if he decui it prudent, forbidding the organization of 
State militia. T'lr only mllitnrii force NEEDKD in the 
South is more reinthn- mid rn/initicr troops to keep in 
proper subjection, ilmsc lull hi in nbeUion, and to teach 
them to treed tlie freed, peejple in a manner bceomin(j a 
civilized community." 

Another witness, himself a Georgian, with am- 
ple opportunities of information, thus testifies: 

" I have personal and friendly relations with many 
leading men of this section. I had before the war. I 
have met many of them in New York and in Wash- 
.ington within the past few months, and have, as a citi- 
zen of the South, had frequent conversa (ions with them 
upon our future and the means thai shoulil lie cm- 
ployed to begin it auspieinusly. These interviews have 
been free and open in interchange of opinion, and I 
must believe that i had laid before me the intentions 
of those who must and will .again assume the leader- 
ship here. If they are not so honored, their opinions 
will show how they would lead hiid they the i)ower. 

" Among these were four ex-Governors of three dif- 



11 



fercnt States, who had received pardons from Presi- 
dent John.son. Our conversation niiturally and neces- 
sarily turned to the fnturcot'thc emancii)atod nogroes. 
Their iiast and present coudilioii was discussed, and 
their chances as well as our own were of course con- 
sidcicd, and crerything that could bear uiion their 
future was canvassed. The course to be i>ursuod by 
llie ijofjislatures of the reconstrncte<l Stiites, au<l the 
hiv.s to be enacted, in order to obtain llic fulfillment 
of contracts with the frcednuui cnipluycd, occui/ud no 
small portion of consideration, intiiisway 1 had full 
opportunity to learn the opinions of those who have 
been and will be a^ain looked up to as llu^ leaders and 
directcrs of s(juthcru oidnion and sentiment. 

"The unanimity of all was not tiit^ least siugidar 
thing', es|iecially regarding the ntdtiimA' the freedmen 
and t liei r rights hereafter. If legal eh ieanery can avail, 
those rights will be but nominal, and they will remain 
as they have ever been, isolated and apart; free in 
name, but slaves in fact." 

It seems that in Georgia there is a body of 
men -known as "regulators," who are thus de- 
scribed by a correspondent of that journal which 
has for years whitewashed the enormities of 
slavery, the New York Herald : 

"Si)ringing naturally out of this disordered state of 
affaii's is an organization of 'regulators,' so caHed. 
Theirnunibcrs inelude many ex-confederate cavaliers 
of the country, and their mission is to visit summary 
justice upuli any offenders against tlic public peace. 
It is needless to say that their attention is largely di- 
rected to maintainiiig quiet and submission among 
the blacks. Thi- shoot ino<ir strinoinriitp of some obstrep- 
erous ' nim/cr' ill/ the ' regulators' in so eoinmon an occur- 
rciK'f- as to excite little remark. A'or is the vmrk of pro- 
scription confined to the freedmen onhj. The 'regulators' 
go to the bottom of the matter, and strive to make it 
uncomfortably warm for any new settler with demor- 
alizing innovations of wages for 'niggers.'" 

Such is the unimaginable atrocity which, ac- 
cording to a friendly authority, prevails in Geor- 
gia. The poor freedman. is sacrificed. The 
northern settler, who believes in Human Rights 
is .sacrificed also. Alas ! that such scenes should 
disgrace our country and age ! Alas ! that there 
should be any hesitation in applying the neces- 
sary remedy. 

Surely this is enough. I do not stop to dwell 
on the instances of frightful barbarism. There 
is one which has been authenticated in- the 
court of the provost marshal, where a colored 
girl was roasted alive ! Ancl another writer, in 
a letter just received, describ'es a system of 
''burning'' in Wilkes county, Georgia, as " a 
mild means of extorting from the freed people 
a confession as to where they have their arms 
and money concealed." Ho says "they were 
held in the blaze." Think of it, sir, here in 
our country, "they were held in the blaze." 
And the national Government looks on. 

From Georgia pass to Alabama, only to 
find the same evil .spirit and the same succes- 
sion of enormities, intensified, if possible. Here 



again I am embarrassed by the variety and ex- 
tent of the testimony. 

A recent private letter from Mobile thus tes- 
tifies : * 

" The press and people here, with one voice, arc loud 
in theirpraise of President .lohnson, for his wholesale 
manner of dispensing pardons. But I have yet to sec 
the first signs of repent aijce on the part of those who 
have received clemency from the Chief Magistrate of 
the Government. The existing feeling is, that no man 
who did not support the confederacy is wort hy of trust ; 
and all offices are given to those who did theirbestto 
break up the countr.v. President .Johnson will find in 
the end that he has been too liberal in the exercise of 
clemency. And, unless he changes his course, or is 
checked by Congress, the most .corrupt men in the 
South will again gel! into power, and sway the destinies 
of this section of the country." 

* * * * * * * 
"And until the labor question is .adjusted between 

thoplantersand thofrecclmen, we cannot look forward 
to a time of prosperity. Theindii'ationsat prcsontaro 
not favorable to a satisfactory solution of thisdilhcult 
problem. The planters hate the negro, and the latter 
class distrustthoformc^',and while tliis state of things 
continues, there cannot bo harmonious action in de- 
veleping the resources of the country. Besides, a good 
many men are unwilling yet to believe that the 'pe- 
culiar institution' of the South has been .actually 
abolished, and still have the lingering h.ope that sla- 
very, though not in name, will yet in some form prac- 
tically exist. And hence the great anxiety to get back 
into the Union, which being accomplished, they will 
then, as I have beard it expressed, 'fix the negro.' " 

* * * * * * * 

"I look forward with deep solicitude to the ap- 
proaching session of Congress. I hope there will be 
strength and moral courage enough in that body to 
keep the ship of state right. The President has a 
difficult position to fill, and needs all the sympathy and 
aid he can get from right-minded citizens. But there 
is no question that he has been most sadly imposed 
upon wimin the past few months by designing and 
corrupt politicians." 

Another private letter from a person so situ- 
ated as to be accurately informed , gives this pain- 
ful testimony : 

"The Government in taking the responsibility of 
freeing this people tacitly engaged to protect them 
in their freedom. The various departments of Gov- 
ernment have solemnly declared the black man en- 
titled to equal rights before the law with the white 
man. • Yet it is the simple fact, caiiablc of indefinite 
proof, that the black man does not receive the faint- 
est shadow of justice. I aver that in nine cases out 
of ten within my own observation, where a white man 
has provoked an affray with a black, and savagely 
misused him, the black man has been fined for inso- 
lent language because he did not receive the chas- 
tisement in svibmissive silence, while the white man 
has gone free. It is the simple truth that the most 
flagrant crimes against Jho blacks are not noticed at 
all, and, indeed, a man loses caste if he interests him- 
self about them. 

"It is the simide truth that black men are not al- 
lowed to use their own property to the best advan- 
tage, or in any w.iy to make such use of their capa- 
bilities as would bo likely to elevate them in social 
position." * * * * * * 

"The above are but specimen facts, and they are 
facts. Every provost marshal who has been in office 
here will testify to the truthfulness of the picture. 
Meantime companies are forming to imjiort coolies 
! .and European immigrants to drive the black man from 
the little chance that is left him. The v,holc thing 
may be summed up in one word: the South is deter- 
mined to have slaveri/ — the thing, if not the name. And 
if all restraint is removed, it is as certaiu as fate that 
their condition will be far worse than it ever was be- 



12 



fore. It will be the old system with all its mitigations 
rescinded and all its horrors intensified." 

"The prospcctforthecoming winter is overwhelm- 
ing in its horrors at best. If the freedm^n are left 
friendless, it will be the very valley of the shadow of 
death. Let Congress keep these States out of the 
Union till the shape and tone of their legislation is 
seen and understood, as relating to i'reedmen, and 
tliou keep them out until it is clearly shown whether 
the people will obey the legislation or make it a dead 
letter from the beginning." 

And still another letter makes these revela- 
tions: 

"Do not let yourselves be deceived by the influ- 
ences which reach you. These influences are ener- 
getic, active, spare -no pains or expense, to accom- 
plish certain purposes. I know this people well ; I 
vras born and reared with them; they are far more 
hostile to the (xovernment to-day than they were in 
1860. Every demonstration in the State since the 
surrender has been, in one shape or another,that of 
hostility to the Union; and every new concession 
they make is simply made with the hope of thereby 
obtaining that degree of independence which loUows, 
as they understand and expect it, the resumption of 
the status as States again. 

" The elections are just over. The secessionists were 
united to a man— hopeful, active; the Union party 
disorganized, discouraged, and dispersed among the 
secessionist^. President Johnson and Governor Par- 
sons are responsible for it. The enemies of the Union 
have defeated us horse, foot, and dragoons, in all 
parts of the State. The stanch favorites of our party 
are defeated everywhere." 

:!: S: * t- * * * 

" In a word, the friends of the Union are completely 
under; the successful party are the secessionists and 
renegade Unionists, enemies of the Government. It 
is-to the Union party of the North that we are to- 
day indebted for being able to live here." 

The pei'son Avho is styled Provisional Gov- 
ernor of Alabama, in a late message thus al- 
ludes to rebel trophies, and fans the flame of 
the rebellion : 

" Several of these had been deposited in the execu- 
tive department, and were not removed when the cap- 
itol was evacuated. They were not destroyed, how- 
ever,, by those who took possession of it, but came to 
my hands as the representative of the State for the 
time being, and are now carefully preserved 'and 
ready to be delivered to the Governor elected under 
the constitution. We should preserve these sacred 
souvenirs of the courage andenduranccof those who 
went forth to battle under their folds, and who man- 
fully upheld them with their life-blood." 

Surely with such a person in high office we 

could expect little else than tlic barbarism 

which rages there. 

From Alabama pass to Mississippi, and there 

the same hideous scenes are renewed. Here is 

the testimony of a citizen of this State, once a 

slave-master, in a private letter: 

" In respectful earnestness I must s.ay that if at the 
end of all the blood that has been shed and the treas- 
ure expended, the unfortunate negro is to be left in 
the hands of his infuriated and disappointed fornier 
owners to legislate and fix his status, God help him, 
for his cup of bitterness will overflow indeed. Was 
ever such a policy conceived in the brain of men 
before ? After a great step and a mighty victory you 
are expected by President .Tohnson to withdraw your 
protcctionfromthispeople and turn theirdestiny over 
to those who for centuries have ground them. into the 



dust. Truly, by such a course will your fruits become 
bitter ashes. 

"As a man who has been deprived of a large number 
of persons he once claimed as slaves, I j)rotcst against 
such a course. If it is intended to follow up the aboli- 
tion of slavery by a liberal and enlightened policy, 
by which I moan bestowing upon them the full rights 
of other citizens, then I can give this movement my 
heart and hand. But if the negro is to be left in a 
helpless condition, far more miserable than that of 
slavery, I would ask what vras theobjectoftakinghim 
from those who claimed his services. As things seem 
now approaching the position of rendering loyalty 
at the South a disgrace, and those v/ho, amid many 
dangers and trials, stood true to the Union and the Con- 
stitution are to be left to suffer the scorn, contempt, 
and oppressions of secessionist traitors— I say, as this 
seems to be the settled policy of the Government to 
the whites so situated, I fear there will remain but 
little hope for them or the negroes unless the true men 
of the country will present a barrier between them 
and those who are anxious to punish and destroy 
them." 

The pretended Governor of Mississippi, like 
the pretended Governor of Alabama, exults in 
rebel victories, and fans the rebel flame. Both 
convention and Legislature abounded in bitter 
treason. In the convention one of the speak- 
ei'S declared it to be policy to accept the pres- 
ent condition of affairs until the control of the 
State is returned into the hands of the people, 
and "to submit ybr a time to evils which cannot 
be remedied." Another speaker in urging the 
acceptance of the Union, thtis revealed the 
plot : 

" If tee act loiscly we shall he joined by what is called 
the Copperhead party, and even by many of the Black 
Republicans." 

Such is the voice of Mississippi. 

Naturally the freedmen are exposed to txntold 

hardships and atrocities. Here is the testimony : 

"A superintendent of the bureau reports the poor 
creatures coming in with cruel grievances that are 
unredressed by these magistrates. General Chetlain 
tel Is us that while he was in command, for two months, 
ofthc Jackson district, containing nine counties, there 
was an average of one black man killed every day, 
and that in moving out forty miles on an expedition 
he found seven negroes wantonly butchered. And 
Colonel Thomas, assistant commissioner of the. bu- 
reau for this State, tells us that there is now a daily 
average of two or three black men killed in Missis- 
sippi; the sable patriots in blue, as they return, are 
the objects of especial spite.'-' 

There is another authority of peculiar value. 

It is a letter dated at Webb's Ranch, Issaquena 

county, Mississippi, November 13, 1805: 

"I regret to state that, under the civil power, now 
deemed by all the inhabitants of Mississi])pi (since t he 
order of President Johnson revoking General Slo- 
cum's decree in relation to the State militia) to be 
paramount, the condition of the freedmen in many 
portions of the country has become deplorable ar.d 
painful in the extreme. / nmst give it as tiiy ilelibrratf 
opinion, that the freedmen Lire to-day, in the vieinity of 
inhere I am, now writing, worse off in most respects 1h(tH 
when they were held as slaves. If matters arc permit- 
ted to continue as they now seem likely to be, it needs 
no i)ro]>het to predict a rising on the part of the col- 
ored population, and a terrible scene of bloodshed and 
desolation; nor can one blam6 the negroes if this 
proves to be the result. Iltuveheard, shicen^y arrival 



13 



here, of mtmh^rlcvs atrocitiea that have been perpetrated 
against the freedmen. It is sufficient. to state that 
the old ovcr.suc'is are in power agaiu. Tlic agents of 
the Freodiucn's ]}urcaii are almost powerless. Just 
arf soon as the United .States troops are withdrawn, it 
will be unsafe for the agents of the bureau to remain. 
The object of the southerners appears to be to make 
good their often-repeated assertions, to the efi'eet that 
the negroes would die if they were freed. To make 
it so, they seem determined to goad thcra to despera- 
tion, in order to have an e.xeuse to turn upon and 
annihilate tliem. There are, within a few miles of 
where I sit writing, several northern men wIk) have 
settled here, designing to work plantations. Theji 
oil, assure inc. that theij do not eonnider themselves safe 
in the eountrii; and two of them, ex-colonels in the 
United States Army, are afraid to leave their places 
without an armed escort. Other northern lessees do 
not dare remain on their places." 

Here are grave words, which open in fearful 
vi.sta the ti'agical condition of the freedmen, 
and the perils of northern settlers there. 

And now the pretended Legislature is engaged 
in fashioning an infamous Black Code ; but I do 
not dwell on this, as it has been already exposed 
•l)y ray colleague. 

From Mississippi pass to Loui.siana, where 
anarchy is beginning under the sway of return- 
ing rebels inspired from Washington. Union- 
ists are menaced in their safety. The story is so 
familiar that I content myself with a glimpse. 
Here is the testimony of a responsible person : 

'"During the canvass I made a tour through the 
northern portion of the State where I have resided 
for many years and have a large acquaint.'inco among 
the people, and was surprised to find the spirit of the 
people more hostile to the Government than at the 
l)reaking out of the war. This is especially the case 
with the leaders, who asserted to me in private con- 
versation that they were more impressed with the 
truth of secession than they ever were; that the war 
against the United States was a just one; that they 
would not support any man for office who did not 
partieijiato in that war; and that the only true policy 
for the southern people to adopt is to support the 
Democratic p;irty in opposition to the Republican 
party of the Xorth. They say that the wliolo war 
wa.s an aggression on the partof the Government, and 
that they intend to use every means in their power to 
destroy the (lovernment. I 

"Aprominentmeml)er of the Legislature, nftw con- ! 
vencd in this city, said to me a short time before the j 
election, tiiat he wasastrongersocessionist nov/than i 
he ever was, and that he hated the United States | 
(lovernment. and intended to do all in his jiowcr to I 
destroy it. This man is a leading member of the { 
Legishiture, which, in the House at least, is com- 
posed of more than eight tenths who entertain the 
same feeling, and are now legislating for the loyal 
citizens of this State. 

" Th ere arc several respectable men now in this city 
who are refug(jes from their homes in the interior of 
the State, being recently expelled on account of their 
Tinion sentiments." 

And here is a private letter from an interior 

town of Louisiana, written by a lady to a lady 

in New Orleans and communicated to me : 

" The poor colored people arc in a constant state 

of alarm. There is a Mrs. in this place who 

tcaclics the colored cliildren ; but the inhabitants, I 
suppose, not liking their having the advantages of 



education, expressed their disapproval by shooting at 
the teacher. At one time she was nursing a siek baby 
when a shot passed over her shoulder. No attempts 
were made to discover the guilty party. Of course 
all in office here are rebels. The teacher, who is a 
poor widow, became so much alarmed for her safety 
that she petitioned tlic officers to allow (lie troops to 
remain, whicli they did for a few days. The attempts 
on her life notbcingrcnewed, the troops were obliged 
to leave, and it is' only on her account that they re- 
mained as long as they did." 

Enough of this. Nor is this all. The pre- 
tdnded Legislature is plotting, like such bodies 
elsewhere, against tlie freedman. But I for- 
bear to dwell on the elaborate machination. 
And yet how. can I fail to denounce, with all 
the energy of my soul, these most cruel and 
most vindictive attempts to oppress the free- 
man, to despoil him of his rights, and to nullify 
the great Act of Emancipation? Talk of nul- 
lification! Wliat nullification in our hi.storyis 
comparable to this most wicked attempt ! The 
difference between a revenue law and the great 
statute of Freedom is as wide as tlie space 
between earth and heaven. 

Where such things arc done, there can be, of 
course, small security for those faithful Union- 
ists who fondly hoped for protection under the 
national flag. Already they talk of abandoning 
the State and finding in exile that safety which 
is denied them at home. The flag, which they 
had longed for, is now prostituted to the pur- 
poses of rebels, and they are thrust out from 
the enjoyment of its folds. Hard fote ! almost 
without a pai-allel in history. For myself, I 
know nothing more touching than the story of 
Unionists, loving their country and loving free- 
dom, compelled to yield to returning rebels. 

Li TEXAs'there seems to l:)e more hope than 
anywhere, because a sincerely loyal person has 
been placed in power thei-e. But a private let- 
ter from a loyal Texan thus cries out : 

"What we of the South fear is that President John- 
son's course will, by its prccipitanei/, enable the old 
set to reorganize themselves into place and power. 
For Heaven's sake preserve us, if you can, from this 
calamity." 

Surely you will preserve them. 

But there is special evidence that I ought not 

to forget. The same authority whicli I adduced 

with regard to the general condition of the rebel 

States writes thus from Galveston, in Texas: 

"If any man from the North comes down here ex- 
pecting to hold and maintain 'radical' or 'aboli- 
tion' sentiments, let him e.rpert to he shot dotcii from 
behind the Jirst time he leaves his house, and hnow that 
his murderer, ifiver broupht tojitstiee, irill be oequitled 
by thejurii. If the military are withdrawn his house 



14 



even will be no protection, and he may expect to bo 
hung from his own chamber wimUiw. i tell ynu, Mr. 

,thesemenarooiily taking l)re:i!h and reciiper- 

atinp:. Not tiiat there is tlie iHiihlryt (lairrcr of any 
!(((;(«■('/<(/<■ outbreak. No; thesoutheni |M'..|.|c are too 
smart i'orlli((l. Tliey will nfitii»r again ih'm iii'-,-tiength 
witli the North, unless their success be a.-->uiril bet'orc- 
band. In case of foreign war, or a domestic convul- 
sion at the North,' they will rise, but they will never 
try it alone and without assistance. Meantime they 
propose to 'take it out in hating.' Already our of- 
ficers are the subject of a social ostracism. I repeat 
that any man of radical vicws'who comes down here 
to plant cotton will be in constant danger, night aitd 
day, unless lie holds his tongue. The ministers of the 
(rosiiel, of all denominations, the instructors of the 
youth of the country, the women, and the young men, 
all hate tiie North with a degree of intensity that 
cannot be exaggerated." 

Small temptation here to the northern cap- 
italist! Small welcome to the northern emi- 
grant! The first condition. of prosperity is se- 
curity ; but this is absolutely wanting in this 
blasted region. 

There is also Tennessee, where authentic 
testimony shows a painful condition of things. 
I content myself now with official documents. 
It seems that a committee was appointed to con- 
sider what could be done to arrest crimes and 
disorders in Tennessee. Addressing Governor 
Brownlow, they remark as follows : 

" In the discharge of this duty, we would respect- 
fully and earnestly call the attention of your Excel- 
lency to the many dreadful crimes that are becoming 
so common not ojily in and immediately around the 
capital of the State, but nn r llir irliole countnj. 

"Quiet and peaceful clti/cii-^ are met on our most 
public highways and r(>lilje(l<ir their money and prop- 
erty, often cruelly beaten and abused, and in many 
cases murdered outright. This state of things is not 
only greatly injurious to the business of the country, 
but shocking to all sincere advocates of law and order, 
and to humanity itself. 

" Wo, therefore, with the earnest desire to see se- 
curity restored to life and property, and the majesty 
of law reasserted, appeal to your Excellency, who is 
the chief representative of power in the State, to ex- 
ercise your power, and give the weight of your great 
influence to correct these sore evils, of which theiohole 
country so justly complain." 

Governor Brownlow communicated this pa- 
per to the Legislature by the following message : 
Statk of Tenness'ek. 

Executive Department, 

.Nashville, Tennessee, Noveviiiier 22, 1865. 

Gentlemen of the LcgMuture: The reputatioi) being 
acquired by Nashville, the capital of your State and 
the great commercial emporium of Middle Tennessee, 
is humili.iting to every friend of law and order. Mur- 
ders, robberies, and burglaries are the ordef of the 
day. No man is safe, day or night, within a circuit 
around Nashville whose radius is eight or. ten miles. 
The most of tJiese outrages grow out ofthe abundant 
use of intoxicating spirits, connected with those gam- 
bling hells to be found in full blast on every street in 
the city. The same may be said, to a eonsideraiile ex- 
tent, of all the larger cities and towns in the State. 
Life and property must be protected or the country 
will go to ruin. 1 therefore call upon you, most re- 
spectfully but earnestly, by prompt and decisive legis- 
lation, to remedy this growing and alarming evil. 



Should you fail to apply the necessary remedy, my 
next appeal will be made to Major General Thomas 
to close up all these dens of wickedness, so prolific of 
fights, murders, and robberies of every description. 
The Sabbath is violated, the sanctuary of the Lord is 
ruthlessly invaded, and ladies and gentlemen are in- 
sulted at every corner and on every highway. Again, 
I appeal to you, gentlemen, to relieve the sufleriug 
people from this outrageous condition of afiairs. 
W. G. BROWNLOW. 

I add a few sentences from a Tennessee paper, 
the Southern Loyalist : 

"Do the authorities at Washington realize the facj, 
that there is very greatdanger of wide-spread anarchy 
and tiloodshed? Do they realize that it is the sui)ine- 
ncss and imljecility, or worse, with which the Freed- 
men's Bureau has been conducted at this point that 
is the cause of danger, and it may be of much blood- 
shed? God knows we speak in all sincerity, and 
we believe we speak the sentiment of nine tenths of 
the loyal men of Jlemphis. 

"When colored men have remonstraied against 
injustice — against the very discriminations against 
freediuon that the A\^ar Department declareil should 
not exist — they have been told, ' If you damned niggers 
think I am going to give you any rights that you had 
not under the old State laws, you are damnably mis- 
taken.' This may not be exactly literal, but it is very* 
nearly so. When colored people have asked for wages 
hardly earned in tlie cotton-field but not paid by 
rascally employers, they have been in very many ca,scs 
told to go abo ut their business or left to get their claims 
as theyeould." 

Such is Tennessee, the most advanced of the 
States claiming recognition in the government 
of the country. But besides this testimony there 
is other testimony derived from its own statute- 
book. Tennessee refuses to the colored citizen 
his rights at the ballot-box, and even his rights 
of testimony in court. Here is a part of the 
ignoble statute: 

"A negro, mula-tto, Indian, or person of mixed 
blood, descended from negro or Indian ancestors to 
the third generation inclusive, though one ancestor 
of each generation may have been a white person, 
whether bond or free, is incapable of being a witness 
in any ease, civil or criminal, except for or against 
each other." 

I say nothing of Florida and Arkansas, for 
the special testimony which had come to me 
with regard to these States is not at hand. But 
it is not needed. The same dreadful report 
comes from these States also. But, even with- 
out any report, all this must be inferred. Hov/ 
could it be otherwise ? Abandoned to them- 
selves, with unchecked power, the old slave- 
masters naturally continue the barbarism in 
which they have so long excelled. 

Mr. President, 1 bring this i)lain story to a 
close. I regret that I have been constrained 
to present it. I wish it were otherwise. But 
I should have faih'd in duty had i failed 
to speak. Not in anger, not in vengeance, 
not in harshness have I spoken ; but solemnly, 



15 



careftilly, and for the sake of my country and 
humanity, that peace and reconciliation may 
again prevail. I have spoken especially for the 
loyal citizens who are now trodden down by 
rebel power, and who are without representa- 
tion on this floor. Would that my voice could 
help them to security and justice! I can only 
state the case. It is for you to decide. It is 
for you to determine how long these things 
' shall continue to shock mankind. You have 
before you the actual condition of the rebel 
region.. You have heard the terrible testimony. 
The blood curdles at the thought of such enor- 



mities, and especially at the thought that the 
poor freedmen to whom we owe protection, are 
left to the unrestrained will of such a people 
smarting with defeat and ready to wreak venge- 
ance upon these representatives of a true loy- 
alty. In the name of God let Us protect them. 
Insist upon guarantees. Pass the bill now 
under consideration ; pass any bill ; but do not 
let this crying injustice rage aiiy longer. An 
avenging (jrod cannot sleep while such things 
find countenance. If you are not ready to bo 
the Moses of an oppressed people, do not 
become its Pharaoh. 



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